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Nineteen Eighty-Four
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1949 dystopian novel by George Orwell
This article is about the 1949 novel by George Orwell. For the year,
see 1984. For other uses, see 1984 (disambiguation).
CAPTION: Nineteen Eighty-Four
1984first.jpg
First-edition cover
Author George Orwell
Cover artist Michael Kennar
Country United Kingdom
Language English
Genre
* Dystopian
* political fiction
* social science fiction
Set in London, Airstrip One, Oceania
Publisher Secker & Warburg
Publication date
8 June 1949 (1949-06-08)
Media type Print (hardback and paperback)
Pages 328
OCLC 470015866
Dewey Decimal
823.912^[1]
Preceded by Animal Farm
Nineteen Eighty-Four (also published as 1984) is a dystopian social
science fiction novel and cautionary tale by English writer George
Orwell. It was published on 8 June 1949 by Secker & Warburg as Orwell's
ninth and final book completed in his lifetime. Thematically, it
centres on the consequences of totalitarianism, mass surveillance and
repressive regimentation of people and behaviours within
society.^[2]^[3] Orwell, a democratic socialist, modelled the
authoritarian state in the novel on Stalinist Russia and Nazi
Germany.^[2]^[3]^[4] More broadly, the novel examines the role of truth
and facts within societies and the ways in which they can be
manipulated.
The story takes place in an imagined future in the year 1984, when much
of the world is in perpetual war. Great Britain, now known as Airstrip
One, has become a province of the totalitarian superstate Oceania,
which is led by Big Brother, a dictatorial leader supported by an
intense cult of personality manufactured by the Party's Thought Police.
Through the Ministry of Truth, the Party engages in omnipresent
government surveillance, historical negationism, and constant
propaganda to persecute individuality and independent thinking.^[5]
The protagonist, Winston Smith, is a diligent mid-level worker at the
Ministry of Truth who secretly hates the Party and dreams of rebellion.
He keeps a forbidden diary and begins a relationship with his colleague
Julia, and they learn about a shadowy resistance group called the
Brotherhood. However, their contact with the Brotherhood turns out to
be a Party agent, and Smith is arrested. He is subjected to months of
psychological manipulation and torture by the Ministry of Love and is
released once he has come to love Big Brother.
Nineteen Eighty-Four has become a classic literary example of political
and dystopian fiction. It also popularised the term "Orwellian" as an
adjective, with many terms used in the novel entering common usage,
including "Big Brother", "doublethink", "Thought Police",
"thoughtcrime", "Newspeak", and "2 + 2 = 5". Parallels have been drawn
between the novel's subject matter and real life instances of
totalitarianism, mass surveillance, and violations of freedom of
expression among other themes.^[6]^[7]^[8] Time included the novel on
its list of the 100 best English-language novels from 1923 to 2005,^[9]
and it was placed on the Modern Library's 100 Best Novels list,
reaching number 13 on the editors' list and number 6 on the readers'
list.^[10] In 2003, it was listed at number eight on The Big Read
survey by the BBC.^[11]
[ ]
Contents
* 1 Writing and publication
* 2 Plot
* 3 Characters
+ 3.1 Main characters
+ 3.2 Secondary characters
* 4 Setting
+ 4.1 History of the world
o 4.1.1 The Revolution
o 4.1.2 The War
+ 4.2 Political geography
+ 4.3 Ministries of Oceania
o 4.3.1 Ministry of Peace
o 4.3.2 Ministry of Plenty
o 4.3.3 Ministry of Truth
o 4.3.4 Ministry of Love
+ 4.4 Major concepts
o 4.4.1 Big Brother
o 4.4.2 Doublethink
o 4.4.3 Newspeak
o 4.4.4 Thoughtcrime
* 5 Themes
+ 5.1 Nationalism
+ 5.2 Futurology
+ 5.3 Censorship
+ 5.4 Surveillance
+ 5.5 Poverty and inequality
* 6 Sources for literary motifs
* 7 Critical reception
* 8 Adaptations in other media
* 9 Translations
* 10 Cultural impact
* 11 Brave New World comparisons
* 12 See also
* 13 References
+ 13.1 Citations
+ 13.2 General and cited references
* 14 Further reading
* 15 External links
+ 15.1 Electronic editions
+ 15.2 Film versions
Writing and publication[edit]
In January 1944, literature professor Gleb Struve introduced Orwell to
Yevgeny Zamyatin's 1924 dystopian novel We. In his response Orwell
expressed an interest in the genre, and informed Struve that he had
begun writing ideas for one of his own, "that may get written sooner or
later."^[12]^[13] In 1946, Orwell wrote about the 1931 dystopian novel
Brave New World by Aldous Huxley in his article "Freedom and Happiness"
for the Tribune, and noted similarities to We.^[12] By this time Orwell
had scored a critical and commerical hit with his 1945 political satire
Animal Farm, which raised his profile. For a follow-up he decided to
produce a dystopian work of his own.^[14]^[15] In a meeting with
Fredric Warburg, co-founder of his British publisher Secker & Warburg,
shortly before the release of Animal Farm, Orwell announced that he had
written the first 12 pages of his new novel. He could only earn a
living from journalism, however, and predicted the book would not see a
release before 1947.^[13] Progress was slow going; by the end of
September 1945 Orwell had written some 50 pages.^[16] Orwell became
disenchanted with the restrictions and pressures involved with
journalism and grew to detest city life in London.^[17] His health also
suffered, with the harsh winter worsening his case of bronchiectasis
and a lesion in one lung.^[18]
The novel was completed at Barnhill, Jura
In May 1946, Orwell arrived on the Scottish island of Jura.^[15] He had
wanted to retreat to a Hebridean island for several years, to which
David Astor recommended he stay at Barnhill, a remote farmhouse on the
island that his family owned.^[19] Barnhill had no electricity or hot
water, but it was here where Orwell intermittently drafted and finished
Nineteen Eighty-Four.^[15] His first stay lasted until October 1946,
during which he made little progress on the few alredy completed pages
and at one point, did no work on it for three months.^[20] After
spending the winter in London Orwell returned to Jura; in May 1947 he
reported to Warburg that despite progress being slow and difficult, he
was roughly a third of a way through.^[21] He sent his "ghastly mess"
of a first draft manuscript to London where Miranda Christen
volunteered to type a clean version.^[22] Orwell's health took a turn
in September, however, and was confined to bed with inflammation of the
lungs. He lost almost two stone in weight and had recurring night
sweats, but he decided not to see a doctor and continued writing.^[23]
On 7 November 1947, he completed the first draft in bed and
subsequently travelled to East Kilbride near Glasgow for medical
treatment, where a specialist confirmed a chronic and infectious case
of tuberculosis.^[24]^[22]
Orwell was discharged in the summer of 1948, after which he returned to
Jura and produced a full second draft of Nineteen Eighty-Four, which he
finished in November. He asked Warburg to have someone come to Barnhill
and retype the manuscript, which was so untidy the task was only
possible if Orwell was present as only he could understand it. The
previous volunteer had left the country and no other could be found at
short notice, so an impatient Orwell retyped it himself at a rate of
roughly 4,000 words a day during bouts of fever and bloody coughing
fits.^[22] On 4 December 1948, Orwell sent the finished manuscript to
Secker & Warburg and left Barnill for good in January 1949. He
recovered at a sanitorium in the Cotswolds.^[22]
A 1947 draft manuscript of the first page of Nineteen Eighty-Four,
showing the editorial development
Shortly before completion of the second draft, Orwell hesitated between
two titles for the novel: The Last Man in Europe, an early title, and
Nineteen Eighty-Four.^[25] Warburg suggested the latter, which he took
to be a more commercially viable choice.^[26] The introduction to the
2003 Houghton Mifflin Harcourt edition of Animal Farm and 1984 claims
that the title Nineteen Eighty-Four was chosen simply as an inversion
of the year 1948, the year in which it was being completed, and that
the date was meant to give an immediacy and urgency to the menace of
totalitarian rule.^[27] However, biographer Dorian Lynskey claims there
is no evidence to support this "very popular theory": "This idea, first
suggested by Orwell's US publisher, seems far too cute for such a
serious book. [...] Scholars have raised other possibilities. [His
wife] Eileen wrote a poem for her old school's centenary called 'End of
the Century: 1984.' G. K. Chesterton's 1904 political satire The
Napoleon of Notting Hill, which mocks the art of prophecy, opens in
1984. The year is also a significant date in The Iron Heel. But all of
these connections are exposed as no more than coincidences by the early
drafts of the novel [...] First he wrote 1980, then 1982, and only
later 1984. The most fateful date in literature was a late
amendment."^[28]
In the run up to publication Orwell called the novel "a beastly book"
and expressed some disappointment towards it, thinking it would have
been improved had he not been so ill. This was typical of Orwell, who
had talked down his other books shortly before their release.^[28]
Nevertheless, the book was enthusiastically received by Secker &
Warburg, who acted quick; before Orwell had left Jura he rejected their
proposed blurb that portrayed it as "a thriller mixed up with a love
story."^[28] He also refused a proposal from the American Book of the
Month Club to release an edition without the appendix and chapter on
Goldstein's book, a decision which Warburg claimed cut off about
-L-40,000 in sales.^[28]
Nineteen Eighty-Four was published on 8 June 1949 in the UK; Orwell
predicated earnings of around -L-500.^[28]^[29]^[30] A first print of
25,575 copies was followed by a further 5,000 copies in March and
August 1950.^[31] The novel had the most immediate impact in the US,
following its release there on 13 June 1949 by Harcourt Brace, & Co. An
initial print of 20,000 copies was quickly followed by another 10,000
on 1 July, and again on 7 September.^[32] By 1970, over 8 million
copies had been sold in the US and in 1984, it topped the country's
all-time best seller list.^[33] In June 1952, Orwell's widow Sonia
Bronwell sold the only surviving manuscript at a charity auction for
-L-50.^[34] The draft remains the only surviving literary manuscript
from Orwell, and is presently held at the John Hay Library at Brown
University in Providence, Rhode Island.^[35]^[36]^[37]
Plot[edit]
In 1984, civilisation has been ravaged by world war, civil conflict,
and revolution. Airstrip One (formerly known as Great Britain) is a
province of Oceania, one of the three totalitarian super-states that
rule the world. It is ruled by "The Party" under the ideology of
"Ingsoc" (a Newspeak shortening of "English Socialism") and the
mysterious leader Big Brother, who has an intense cult of personality.
The Party brutally purges out anyone who does not fully conform to
their regime, using the Thought Police and constant surveillance
through telescreens (two-way televisions), cameras, and hidden
microphones. Those who fall out of favour with the Party become
"unpersons", disappearing with all evidence of their existence
destroyed.
In London, Winston Smith is a member of the Outer Party, working at the
Ministry of Truth, where he rewrites historical records to conform to
the state's ever-changing version of history. Winston revises past
editions of The Times, while the original documents are destroyed after
being dropped into ducts known as memory holes, which lead to an
immense furnace. He secretly opposes the Party's rule and dreams of
rebellion, despite knowing that he is already a "thought-criminal" and
is likely to be caught one day.
While in a prole neighbourhood he meets Mr. Charrington, the owner of
an antiques shop, and buys a diary where he writes criticisms of the
Party and Big Brother. To his dismay, when he visits a prole quarter he
discovers they have no political consciousness. As he works in the
Ministry of Truth, he observes Julia, a young woman maintaining the
novel-writing machines at the ministry, whom Winston suspects of being
a spy, and develops an intense hatred of her. He vaguely suspects that
his superior, an Inner Party official O'Brien, is part of an enigmatic
underground resistance movement known as the Brotherhood, formed by Big
Brother's reviled political rival Emmanuel Goldstein.
One day, Julia secretly hands Winston a love note, and the two begin a
secret affair. Julia explains that she also loathes the Party, but
Winston observes that she is politically apathetic and uninterested in
overthrowing the regime. Initially meeting in the country, they later
meet in a rented room above Mr. Charrington's shop. During the affair,
Winston remembers the disappearance of his family during the civil war
of the 1950s and his tense relationship with his estranged wife
Katharine. Weeks later, O'Brien invites Winston to his flat, where he
introduces himself as a member of the Brotherhood and sends Winston a
copy of The Theory and Practice of Oligarchical Collectivism by
Goldstein. Meanwhile, during the nation's Hate Week, Oceania's enemy
suddenly changes from Eurasia to Eastasia, which goes mostly unnoticed.
Winston is recalled to the Ministry to help make the necessary
revisions to the records. Winston and Julia read parts of Goldstein's
book, which explains how the Party maintains power, the true meanings
of its slogans, and the concept of perpetual war. It argues that the
Party can be overthrown if proles rise up against it. However, Winston
never gets the opportunity to read the chapter that explains 'why' the
Party is motivated to maintain power.
Winston and Julia are captured when Mr. Charrington is revealed to be a
Thought Police agent, and imprisoned at the Ministry of Love. O'Brien
arrives, also revealing himself as a Thought Police agent. O'Brien
tells Winston that he will never know whether the Brotherhood actually
exists and that Goldstein's book was written collaboratively by him and
other Party members. Over several months, Winston is starved and
tortured to bring his beliefs in line with the Party. O'Brien takes
Winston to Room 101 for the final stage of re-education, which contains
each prisoner's worst fear. When confronted with a cage holding
frenzied rats, Winston betrays Julia by wishing the torture upon her
instead.
Winston is released back into public life and continues to frequent the
Chestnut Tree cafe. One day, Winston encounters Julia, who was also
tortured. Both reveal that they betrayed the other and no longer
possess mutual affections. Back in the cafe, a news alert celebrates
Oceania's supposed massive victory over Eurasian armies in Africa.
Winston finally accepts that he loves Big Brother.
Characters[edit]
Main characters[edit]
* Winston Smith - the 39-year old protagonist who is a phlegmatic
everyman harbouring thoughts of rebellion and is curious about the
Party's power and the past before the Revolution.
* Julia - Winston's lover who is a covert "rebel from the waist
downwards" who publicly espouses Party doctrine as a member of the
fanatical Junior Anti-Sex League. Julia enjoys her small acts of
rebellion and has no interest in giving up her lifestyle.
* O'Brien - A mysterious character, O'Brien is a member of the Inner
Party who poses as a member of The Brotherhood, the
counter-revolutionary resistance, to catch Winston. He is a spy
intending to deceive, trap, and capture Winston and Julia. O'Brien
has a servant named Martin.
Secondary characters[edit]
* Aaronson, Jones, and Rutherford - former members of the Inner Party
whom Winston vaguely remembers as among the original leaders of the
Revolution, long before he had heard of Big Brother. They confessed
to treasonable conspiracies with foreign powers and were then
executed in the political purges of the 1960s. In between their
confessions and executions, Winston saw them drinking in the
Chestnut Tree Cafe--with broken noses, suggesting that their
confessions had been obtained by torture. Later, in the course of
his editorial work, Winston sees newspaper evidence contradicting
their confessions, but drops it into a memory hole. Eleven years
later, he is confronted with the same photograph during his
interrogation.
* Ampleforth - Winston's one-time Records Department colleague who
was imprisoned for leaving the word "God" in a Kipling poem as he
could not find another rhyme for "rod";^[39] Winston encounters him
at the Ministry of Love. Ampleforth is a dreamer and intellectual
who takes pleasure in his work, and respects poetry and language,
traits which cause him disfavour with the Party.
* Charrington - an officer of the Thought Police posing as a
sympathetic antiques dealer amongst the proles.
* Katharine Smith - the emotionally indifferent wife whom Winston
"can't get rid of". Despite disliking sexual intercourse, Katharine
married Winston because it was their "duty to the Party". Although
she was a "goodthinkful" ideologue, they separated because the
couple could not conceive children. Divorce is not permitted, but
couples who cannot have children may live separately. For much of
the story Winston lives in vague hope that Katharine may die or
could be "got rid of" so that he may marry Julia. He regrets not
having killed her by pushing her over the edge of a quarry when he
had the chance many years previously.
* Tom Parsons - Winston's naive neighbour, and an ideal member of the
Outer Party: an uneducated, suggestible man who is utterly loyal to
the Party, and fully believes in its perfect image. He is socially
active and participates in the Party activities for his social
class. He is friendly towards Smith, and despite his political
conformity punishes his bullying son for firing a catapult at
Winston. Later, as a prisoner, Winston sees Parsons is in the
Ministry of Love, as his daughter had reported him to the Thought
Police, saying she heard him speak against Big Brother in his
sleep. Even this does not dampen his belief in the Party, and he
states he could do "good work" in the hard labour camps.
* Mrs. Parsons - Parsons's wife is a wan and hapless woman who is
intimidated by her own children.
+ The Parsons children - a nine-year-old son and seven-year-old
daughter. Both are members of the Spies, a youth organization
that focuses on indoctrinating children with Party ideals and
training them to report any suspected incidents of
unorthodoxy. They represent the new generation of Oceanian
citizens, without memory of life before Big Brother, and
without family ties or emotional sentiment; the model society
envisioned by the Inner Party.
* Syme - Winston's colleague at the Ministry of Truth, a
lexicographer involved in compiling a new edition of the Newspeak
dictionary. Although he is enthusiastic about his work and support
for the Party, Winston notes, "He is too intelligent. He sees too
clearly and speaks too plainly." Winston predicts, correctly, that
Syme will become an unperson.
Additionally, the following characters, mentioned in the novel, play a
significant role in the world-building of 1984. Whether these
characters are real or fabrications of Party propaganda is something
that neither Winston nor the reader is permitted to know:
* Big Brother - the leader and figurehead of the Party that rules
Oceania. A deep cult of personality is formed around him.
* Emmanuel Goldstein - ostensibly a former leading figure in the
Party who became the counter-revolutionary leader of the
Brotherhood, and author of the book The Theory and Practice of
Oligarchical Collectivism. Goldstein is the symbolic enemy of the
state--the national nemesis who ideologically unites the people of
Oceania with the Party, especially during the Two Minutes Hate and
other forms of fearmongering.
Setting[edit]
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History of the world[edit]
The Revolution[edit]
See also: The Theory and Practice of Oligarchical Collectivism
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Many of Orwell's earlier writings clearly indicate that he originally
welcomed the prospect of a socialist revolution in the UK, and indeed
hoped to himself take part in such a revolution. The concept of
"English Socialism" first appeared in Orwell's 1941 essay "The Lion and
the Unicorn: Socialism and the English Genius", in which Orwell
outlined a relatively humane revolution--establishing a revolutionary
regime which "will shoot traitors, but give them a solemn trial
beforehand, and occasionally acquit them" and which "will crush any
open revolt promptly and cruelly, but will interfere very little with
the spoken and written word"; the "English Socialism" which Orwell
foresaw in 1941 would even "abolish the House of Lords, but retain the
Monarchy".
In the novel, Winston Smith's memories and his reading of the
proscribed book, The Theory and Practice of Oligarchical Collectivism
by Emmanuel Goldstein, reveal that after the Second World War, the
United Kingdom became involved in a war during the early 1950s in which
nuclear weapons destroyed hundreds of cities in Europe, western Russia
and North America. Colchester was destroyed, and London also suffered
widespread aerial raids, leading Winston's family to take refuge in a
London Underground station. The United States absorbed the British
Commonwealth and Latin America, resulting in the superstate of Oceania.
The new nation fell into civil war, but who fought whom is left unclear
(there is a reference to the child Winston having seen rival militias
in the streets, each one having a shirt of a distinct colour for its
members). It is also unclear what The Party's name was while there were
more than one, and whether it was a radical faction of the British
Labour Party or a new formation arising during the turbulent 1950s.
Eventually, Ingsoc won and gradually formed a totalitarian government
across Oceania. Orwell does not explain in the novel how the US came to
embrace "English Socialism" as its ruling ideology; in his lifetime, a
socialist revolution was a concrete possibility in the UK, and taken
seriously, but socialism of any kind was a marginal phenomenon in the
United States.
Meanwhile, Eurasia was formed when the Soviet Union conquered mainland
Europe, creating a single state stretching from Portugal to the Bering
Strait, under a Neo-Stalinist regime. In effect, the situation of
1940-1944--the UK facing an enemy-held Europe across the Channel--was
recreated, and this time permanently--neither side contemplating an
invasion, their wars held in other parts of the world. Eastasia, the
last superstate established, emerged only after "a decade of confused
fighting". It includes the Asian lands conquered by China and Japan.
(The book was written before the 1949 victory of Mao Zedong's Chinese
Communist Party in the Civil War). Although Eastasia is prevented from
matching Eurasia's size, its larger populace compensates for that
handicap.
While citizens in each state are trained to despise the ideologies of
the other two as uncivilised and barbarous, Goldstein's book explains
that in fact the superstates' ideologies are practically identical and
that the public's ignorance of this fact is imperative so that they
might continue believing otherwise. The only references to the exterior
world for the Oceanian citizenry are propaganda and (probably fake)
maps fabricated by the Ministry of Truth to ensure people's belief in
"the war".
However, due to the fact that Winston only barely remembers these
events as well as the Party's constant manipulation of historical
records, the continuity and accuracy of these events are unknown, and
exactly how the superstates' ruling parties managed to gain their power
is also left unclear. Winston notes that the Party has claimed credit
for inventing helicopters and aeroplanes, while Julia theorises that
the perpetual bombing of London is merely a false-flag operation
designed to convince the populace that a war is occurring. If the
official account was accurate, Smith's strengthening memories and the
story of his family's dissolution suggest that the atomic bombings
occurred first, followed by civil war featuring "confused street
fighting in London itself" and the societal postwar reorganisation,
which the Party retrospectively calls "the Revolution".
It is very difficult to trace the exact chronology, but most of the
global societal reorganisation occurred between 1945 and the early
1960s. Winston and Julia meet in the ruins of a church that was
destroyed in a nuclear attack "thirty years" earlier, which suggests
1954 as the year of the atomic war that destabilised society and
allowed the Party to seize power. It is stated in the novel that the
"fourth quarter of 1983" was "also the sixth quarter of the Ninth
Three-Year Plan", which implies that the first three-year plan began in
1958. By that same year, the Party had apparently gained control of
Oceania.
Among other things, the Revolution completely obliterates all religion.
While the underground "Brotherhood" might or might not exist, there is
no suggestion of any clergy trying to keep any religion alive
underground. It is noted that, since the Party does not really care
what the proles think or do, they might have been permitted to have
religious worship had they wanted to--but they show no such
inclination. Among the manifestly absurd "confessions" extracted from
"thought criminals" is religious belief--however, but no one takes this
seriously. Churches have been demolished or converted to other uses--St
Martin-in-the-Fields has become a military museum, while Saint Clement
Danes, destroyed in a WWII bombing, is in this future never rebuilt.
The idea of a revolutionary regime totally destroying religion, with
relative ease, is shared with the otherwise very different future of
H.G.Wells' The Shape of Things to Come.
The War[edit]
See also: Perpetual war
In 1984, there is a perpetual war between Oceania, Eurasia and
Eastasia, the superstates that emerged from the global atomic war. The
Theory and Practice of Oligarchical Collectivism, by Emmanuel
Goldstein, explains that each state is so strong that it cannot be
defeated, even with the combined forces of two superstates, despite
changing alliances. To hide such contradictions, the superstates'
governments rewrite history to explain that the (new) alliance always
was so; the populaces are already accustomed to doublethink and accept
it. The war is not fought in Oceanian, Eurasian or Eastasian territory
but in the Arctic wastes and a disputed zone comprising the sea and
land from Tangiers (Northern Africa) to Darwin (Australia). At the
start, Oceania and Eastasia are allies fighting Eurasia in northern
Africa and the Malabar Coast.
That alliance ends, and Oceania, allied with Eurasia, fights Eastasia,
a change occurring on Hate Week, dedicated to creating patriotic
fervour for the Party's perpetual war. The public are blind to the
change; in mid-sentence, an orator changes the name of the enemy from
"Eurasia" to "Eastasia" without pause. When the public are enraged at
noticing that the wrong flags and posters are displayed, they tear them
down; the Party later claims to have captured the whole of Africa.
Goldstein's book explains that the purpose of the unwinnable, perpetual
war is to consume human labour and commodities so that the economy of a
superstate cannot support economic equality, with a high standard of
life for every citizen. By using up most of the produced goods, the
proles are kept poor and uneducated, and the Party hopes that they will
neither realise what the government is doing nor rebel. Goldstein also
details an Oceanian strategy of attacking enemy cities with atomic
rockets before invasion but dismisses it as unfeasible and contrary to
the war's purpose; despite the atomic bombing of cities in the 1950s,
the superstates stopped it for fear that it would imbalance the powers.
The military technology in the novel differs little from that of World
War II, but strategic bomber aeroplanes are replaced with rocket bombs,
helicopters were heavily used as weapons of war (they were very minor
in World War II) and surface combat units have been all but replaced by
immense and unsinkable Floating Fortresses (island-like contraptions
concentrating the firepower of a whole naval task force in a single,
semi-mobile platform; in the novel, one is said to have been anchored
between Iceland and the Faroe Islands, suggesting a preference for sea
lane interdiction and denial).
Claude Rozenhof notes that:
None of the war news in Nineteen Eighty-Four can be in any way
trusted as a report of something which actually happened (within the
frame of the book's plot). Winston Smith himself is depicted as
inventing a war hero who never existed and attributing to him
various acts which never took place.^[40] After Oceania's shift of
alliance, fighting Eastasia rather than Eurasia, the entire Ministry
of Truth staff is engaged in an intensive effort to eradicate all
reports of the war with Eurasia and "move the war to another part of
the world"^[41]--so we do know for a fact that all records of the
previous five years of war are henceforward false, depicting battles
which never happened in places where there had been no war--but it
might well be that the earlier records of a war with Eurasia, which
were destroyed and eradicated, had been just as false. (...) The
same doubts apply also to the major piece of war news in the final
chapter^[42]--a titanic battle engulfing the entire continent of
Africa, won by Oceania due to a brilliant piece of strategic
surprise and finally proving to Smith the genius of Big Brother.
There is no way of knowing whether any such battle "really" took
place in Africa. Nor can we know if this piece of spectacular war
news was broadcast all over Oceania, or whether it was an exclusive
"show" broadcast solely into the telescreen in the Chestnut Tree
Cafe, with the sole purpose of having on Winston Smith exactly the
psychological effect which it did have. Indeed, there is the passage
where Julia doubts that any war is taking place at all, and suspects
that the rockets falling occasionally on London are fired by the
government of Oceania itself, to keep the population on their
toes--though Winston does not let his doubts of the official
propaganda go that far. (...) And how much can we, living in a
supposedly free and democratic society, objectively check the verity
of what our supposedly Free press tells us?^[43]
Political geography[edit]
Map Depicting the Three Superstates of Nineteen Eighty-Four, with the
"disputed area" in light yellow
Main article: Political geography of Nineteen Eighty-Four
Three perpetually warring totalitarian superstates control the world in
the novel:^[44]
* Oceania (ideology: Ingsoc, known in Oldspeak as English Socialism),
whose core territories are "the Americas, the Atlantic Islands,
including the British Isles, Australasia and the southern portion
of Africa."
* Eurasia (ideology: Neo-Bolshevism), whose core territories are "the
whole of the northern part of the European and Asiatic landmass
from Portugal to the Bering Strait."
* Eastasia (ideology: Obliteration of the Self, also known as
Death-Worship), whose core territories are "China and the countries
south to it, the Japanese islands, and a large but fluctuating
portion of Manchuria, Mongolia and Tibet."
The perpetual war is fought for control of the "disputed area" lying
between the frontiers of the superstates, which forms "a rough
quadrilateral with its corners at Tangier, Brazzaville, Darwin and Hong
Kong",^[44] which includes Equatorial Africa, the Middle East, India
and Indonesia. The disputed area is where the superstates capture slave
labour. Fighting also takes place between Eurasia and Eastasia in
Manchuria, Mongolia and Central Asia, and between Eurasia and Oceania
over various islands in the Indian and Pacific Ocean.
Ministries of Oceania[edit]
Main article: Ministries of Nineteen Eighty-Four
In London, the capital city of Airstrip One, Oceania's four government
ministries are in pyramids (300 m high), the fac,ades of which display
the Party's three slogans - "WAR IS PEACE", "FREEDOM IS SLAVERY",
"IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH". As mentioned, the ministries are deliberately
named after the opposite (doublethink) of their true functions: "The
Ministry of Peace concerns itself with war, the Ministry of Truth with
lies, the Ministry of Love with torture and the Ministry of Plenty with
starvation." (Part II, Chapter IX - The Theory and Practice of
Oligarchical Collectivism).
While a ministry is supposedly headed by a minister, the ministers
heading these four ministries are never mentioned. They seem to be
completely out of the public view, Big Brother being the only,
ever-present public face of the government. Also, while an army
fighting a war is typically headed by generals, none is ever mentioned
by name. News reports of the ongoing war assume that Big Brother
personally commands Oceania's fighting forces and give him personal
credit for victories and successful strategic concepts. This goes much
further than Soviet propaganda ever did, even at the height of Stalin's
cult of personality.
Ministry of Peace[edit]
The Ministry of Peace supports and engages in Oceania's perpetual war
against either of the two other superstates:
The primary aim of modern warfare (in accordance with the principles
of doublethink, this aim is simultaneously recognised and not
recognised by the directing brains of the Inner Party) is to use up
the products of the machine without raising the general standard of
living. Ever since the end of the nineteenth century, the problem of
what to do with the surplus of consumption goods has been latent in
industrial society. At present, when few human beings even have
enough to eat, this problem is obviously not urgent, and it might
not have become so, even if no artificial processes of destruction
had been at work.
Ministry of Plenty[edit]
The Ministry of Plenty rations and controls food, goods, and domestic
production; every fiscal quarter, it claims to have raised the standard
of living, even during times when it has, in fact, reduced rations,
availability, and production. The Ministry of Truth substantiates the
Ministry of Plenty's claims by manipulating historical records to
report numbers supporting the claims of "increased rations". The
Ministry of Plenty also runs the national lottery as a distraction for
the proles; Party members understand it to be a sham process in which
winnings are never paid out.
Ministry of Truth[edit]
The Ministry of Truth controls information: news, entertainment,
education, and the arts. Winston Smith works in the Records Department,
"rectifying" historical records to accord with Big Brother's current
pronouncements so that everything the Party says appears to be true.
Ministry of Love[edit]
The Ministry of Love identifies, monitors, arrests and converts real
and imagined dissidents. This is also the place where the Thought
Police beat and torture dissidents, after which they are sent to Room
101 to face "the worst thing in the world"--until love for Big Brother
and the Party replaces dissension.
Major concepts[edit]
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Ingsoc (English Socialism) is the predominant ideology and philosophy
of Oceania, and Newspeak is the official language of official
documents. Orwell depicts the Party's ideology as an oligarchical
worldview that "rejects and vilifies every principle for which the
Socialist movement originally stood, and it does so in the name of
Socialism."^[45]
Big Brother[edit]
Main article: Big Brother (Nineteen Eighty-Four)
The Big Brother is a fictional character and symbol in the novel. He is
ostensibly the leader of Oceania, a totalitarian state wherein the
ruling party Ingsoc wields total power "for its own sake" over the
inhabitants. In the society that Orwell describes, every citizen is
under constant surveillance by the authorities, mainly by telescreens
(with the exception of the proles). The people are constantly reminded
of this by the slogan "Big Brother is watching you": a maxim that is
ubiquitously on display.^[citation needed]
In modern culture, the term "Big Brother" has entered the lexicon as a
synonym for abuse of government power, particularly in respect to civil
liberties, often specifically related to mass surveillance.^[citation
needed]
Doublethink[edit]
Main article: Doublethink
The keyword here is blackwhite. Like so many Newspeak words, this
word has two mutually contradictory meanings. Applied to an
opponent, it means the habit of impudently claiming that black is
white, in contradiction of the plain facts. Applied to a Party
member, it means a loyal willingness to say that black is white when
Party discipline demands this. But it means also the ability to
believe that black is white, and more, to know that black is white,
and to forget that one has ever believed the contrary. This demands
a continuous alteration of the past, made possible by the system of
thought which really embraces all the rest, and which is known in
Newspeak as doublethink. Doublethink is basically the power of
holding two contradictory beliefs in one's mind simultaneously, and
accepting both of them.
-- Part II, Chapter IX - The Theory and Practice of Oligarchical
Collectivism
Newspeak[edit]
Main articles: Newspeak and List of Newspeak words
The Principles of Newspeak is an academic essay appended to the novel.
It describes the development of Newspeak, an artificial, minimalistic
language designed to ideologically align thought with the principles of
Ingsoc by stripping down the English language in order to make the
expression of "heretical" thoughts (i.e. thoughts going against
Ingsoc's principles) impossible.^[citation needed] The idea that a
language's structure can be used to influence thought is known as
linguistic relativity.
Whether or not the Newspeak appendix implies a hopeful end to Nineteen
Eighty-Four remains a critical debate. Many claim that it does, citing
the fact that it is in standard English and is written in the past
tense: "Relative to our own, the Newspeak vocabulary was tiny, and new
ways of reducing it were constantly being devised" (p. 422). Some
critics (Atwood,^[46] Benstead,^[47] Milner,^[48] Pynchon^[49]) claim
that for Orwell, Newspeak and the totalitarian governments are all in
the past.
Thoughtcrime[edit]
Main article: Thoughtcrime
Thoughtcrime describes a person's politically unorthodox thoughts, such
as unspoken beliefs and doubts that contradict the tenets of Ingsoc
(English Socialism), the dominant ideology of Oceania. In the official
language of Newspeak, the word crimethink describes the intellectual
actions of a person who entertains and holds politically unacceptable
thoughts; thus the government of the Party controls the speech, the
actions, and the thoughts of the citizens of Oceania.^[50] In
contemporary English usage, the word thoughtcrime describes beliefs
that are contrary to accepted norms of society, and is used to describe
theological concepts, such as disbelief and idolatry,^[51] and the
rejection of an ideology.^[52]
Themes[edit]
Nationalism[edit]
Nineteen Eighty-Four expands upon the subjects summarised in Orwell's
essay "Notes on Nationalism"^[53] about the lack of vocabulary needed
to explain the unrecognised phenomena behind certain political forces.
In Nineteen Eighty-Four, the Party's artificial, minimalist language
'Newspeak' addresses the matter.
* Positive nationalism: For instance, Oceanians' perpetual love for
Big Brother. Orwell argues in the essay that ideologies such as
Neo-Toryism and Celtic nationalism are defined by their obsessive
sense of loyalty to some entity.
* Negative nationalism: For instance, Oceanians' perpetual hatred for
Emmanuel Goldstein. Orwell argues in the essay that ideologies such
as Trotskyism and Antisemitism are defined by their obsessive
hatred of some entity.
* Transferred nationalism: For instance, when Oceania's enemy
changes, an orator makes a change mid-sentence, and the crowd
instantly transfers its hatred to the new enemy. Orwell argues that
ideologies such as Stalinism^[54] and redirected feelings of racial
animus and class superiority among wealthy intellectuals exemplify
this. Transferred nationalism swiftly redirects emotions from one
power unit to another. In the novel, it happens during Hate Week, a
Party rally against the original enemy. The crowd goes wild and
destroys the posters that are now against their new friend, and
many say that they must be the act of an agent of their new enemy
and former friend. Many of the crowd must have put up the posters
before the rally but think that the state of affairs had always
been the case.
O'Brien concludes: "The object of persecution is persecution. The
object of torture is torture. The object of power is power."^[55]
Futurology[edit]
In the book, Inner Party member O'Brien describes the Party's vision of
the future:
There will be no curiosity, no enjoyment of the process of life. All
competing pleasures will be destroyed. But always--do not forget
this, Winston--always there will be the intoxication of power,
constantly increasing and constantly growing subtler. Always, at
every moment, there will be the thrill of victory, the sensation of
trampling on an enemy who is helpless. If you want a picture of the
future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face--forever.
-- Part III, Chapter III, Nineteen Eighty-Four
Censorship[edit]
One of the most notable themes in Nineteen Eighty-Four is censorship,
especially in the Ministry of Truth, where photographs and public
archives are manipulated to rid them of "unpersons" (people who have
been erased from history by the Party).^[56] On the telescreens, almost
all figures of production are grossly exaggerated or simply fabricated
to indicate an ever-growing economy, even during times when the reality
is the opposite. One small example of the endless censorship is Winston
being charged with the task of eliminating a reference to an unperson
in a newspaper article. He also proceeds to write an article about
Comrade Ogilvy, a made-up party member who allegedly "displayed great
heroism by leaping into the sea from a helicopter so that the
dispatches he was carrying would not fall into enemy hands."^[57]
Surveillance[edit]
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In Oceania, the upper and middle classes have very little true privacy.
All of their houses and apartments are equipped with telescreens so
that they may be watched or listened to at any time. Similar
telescreens are found at workstations and in public places, along with
hidden microphones. Written correspondence is routinely opened and read
by the government before it is delivered. The Thought Police employ
undercover agents, who pose as normal citizens and report any person
with subversive tendencies. Children are encouraged to report
suspicious persons to the government, and some denounce their parents.
Citizens are controlled, and the smallest sign of rebellion, even
something as small as a suspicious facial expression, can result in
immediate arrest and imprisonment. Thus, citizens are compelled to
obedience.
Poverty and inequality[edit]
According to Goldstein's book, almost the entire world lives in
poverty; hunger, thirst, disease, and filth are the norms. Ruined
cities and towns are common: the consequence of perpetual wars and
extreme economic inefficiency. Social decay and wrecked buildings
surround Winston; aside from the ministries' headquarters, little of
London was rebuilt. Middle class citizens and proles consume synthetic
foodstuffs and poor-quality "luxuries" such as oily gin and
loosely-packed cigarettes, distributed under the "Victory" brand, a
parody of the low-quality Indian-made "Victory" cigarettes, which
British soldiers commonly smoked during World War II.
Winston describes something as simple as the repair of a broken window
as requiring committee approval that can take several years and so most
of those living in one of the blocks usually do the repairs themselves
(Winston himself is called in by Mrs. Parsons to repair her blocked
sink). All upper-class and middle-class residences include telescreens
that serve both as outlets for propaganda and surveillance devices that
allow the Thought Police to monitor them; they can be turned down, but
the ones in middle-class residences cannot be turned off.
In contrast to their subordinates, the upper class of Oceanian society
reside in clean and comfortable flats in their own quarters, with
pantries well-stocked with foodstuffs such as wine, real coffee, real
tea, real milk, and real sugar, all denied to the general
populace.^[58] Winston is astonished that the lifts in O'Brien's
building work, the telescreens can be completely turned off, and
O'Brien has an Asian manservant, Martin. All upper class citizens are
attended to by slaves captured in the "disputed zone", and "The Book"
suggests that many have their own cars or even helicopters.
However, despite their insulation and overt privileges, the upper class
are still not exempt from the government's brutal restriction of
thought and behaviour, even while lies and propaganda apparently
originate from their own ranks. Instead, the Oceanian government offers
the upper class their "luxuries" in exchange for them maintaining their
loyalty to the state; non-conformant upper-class citizens can still be
condemned, tortured, and executed just like any other individual. "The
Book" makes clear that the upper class' living conditions are only
"relatively" comfortable, and would be regarded as "austere" by those
of the pre-revolutionary elite.^[59]
The proles live in poverty and are kept sedated with pornography, a
national lottery whose winnings are rarely paid out, which fact is
obscured by propaganda and the lack of communication within Oceania,
and gin, "which the proles were not supposed to drink". At the same
time, the proles are freer and less intimidated than the upper classes:
they are not expected to be particularly patriotic and the levels of
surveillance that they are subjected to are very low. They lack
telescreens in their own homes and often jeer at the telescreens that
they see. "The Book" indicates that because the middle class, not the
lower class, traditionally starts revolutions, the model demands tight
control of the middle class, with ambitious Outer-Party members
neutralised via promotion to the Inner Party or
"reintegration"^[clarification needed] by the Ministry of Love, and
proles can be allowed intellectual freedom because they are deemed to
lack intellect. Winston nonetheless believes that "the future belonged
to the proles".^[60]
The standard of living of the populace is extremely low overall.^[61]
Consumer goods are scarce, and those available through official
channels are of low quality; for instance, despite the Party regularly
reporting increased boot production, more than half of the Oceanian
populace goes barefoot.^[62] The Party claims that poverty is a
necessary sacrifice for the war effort, and "The Book" confirms that to
be partially correct since the purpose of perpetual war is to consume
surplus industrial production.^[63] As "The Book" explains, society is
in fact designed to remain on the brink of starvation, as "In the long
run, a hierarchical society was only possible on a basis of poverty and
ignorance."
Sources for literary motifs[edit]
Nineteen Eighty-Four uses themes from life in the Soviet Union and
wartime life in Great Britain as sources for many of its motifs. Some
time at an unspecified date after the first American publication of the
book, producer Sidney Sheldon wrote to Orwell interested in adapting
the novel to the Broadway stage. Orwell wrote in a letter to Sheldon
(to whom he would sell the US stage rights) that his basic goal with
Nineteen Eighty-Four was imagining the consequences of Stalinist
government ruling British society:
[Nineteen Eighty-Four] was based chiefly on communism, because that
is the dominant form of totalitarianism, but I was trying chiefly to
imagine what communism would be like if it were firmly rooted in the
English speaking countries, and was no longer a mere extension of
the Russian Foreign Office.^[64]
According to Orwell biographer D. J. Taylor, the author's A Clergyman's
Daughter (1935) has "essentially the same plot of Nineteen Eighty-Four
... It's about somebody who is spied upon, and eavesdropped upon, and
oppressed by vast exterior forces they can do nothing about. It makes
an attempt at rebellion and then has to compromise".^[65]
A 1931 poster for the first five-year plan of the Soviet Union by Yakov
Guminer [ru] reading "The arithmetic of an industrial-financial
counter-plan: 2 + 2 plus the enthusiasm of the workers = 5"
The statement "2 + 2 = 5", used to torment Winston Smith during his
interrogation, was a communist party slogan from the second five-year
plan, which encouraged fulfilment of the five-year plan in four years.
The slogan was seen in electric lights on Moscow house-fronts,
billboards and elsewhere.^[66]
The switch of Oceania's allegiance from Eastasia to Eurasia and the
subsequent rewriting of history ("Oceania was at war with Eastasia:
Oceania had always been at war with Eastasia. A large part of the
political literature of five years was now completely obsolete"; ch 9)
is evocative of the Soviet Union's changing relations with Nazi
Germany. The two nations were open and frequently vehement critics of
each other until the signing of the 1939 Treaty of Non-Aggression.
Thereafter, and continuing until the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union
in 1941, no criticism of Germany was allowed in the Soviet press, and
all references to prior party lines stopped--including in the majority
of non-Russian communist parties who tended to follow the Russian line.
Orwell had criticised the Communist Party of Great Britain for
supporting the Treaty in his essays for Betrayal of the Left (1941).
"The Hitler-Stalin pact of August 1939 reversed the Soviet Union's
stated foreign policy. It was too much for many of the
fellow-travellers like Gollancz [Orwell's sometime publisher] who had
put their faith in a strategy of construction Popular Front governments
and the peace bloc between Russia, Britain and France."^[67]
Photograph portrait of Leon Trotsky
Trotsky
Photograph Joseph Stalin
Stalin
Descriptions of Emmanuel Goldstein and Big Brother evoke Leon Trotsky
and Joseph Stalin respectively.
The description of Emmanuel Goldstein, with a "small, goatee beard",
evokes the image of Leon Trotsky. The film of Goldstein during the Two
Minutes Hate is described as showing him being transformed into a
bleating sheep. This image was used in a propaganda film during the
Kino-eye period of Soviet film, which showed Trotsky transforming into
a goat.^[68]^[page needed] Like Goldstein, Trotsky was a formerly
high-ranking party official who was ostracized and then wrote a book
criticizing party rule, The Revolution Betrayed, published in 1936.
The omnipresent images of Big Brother, a man described as having a
moustache, bears resemblance to the cult of personality built up around
Joseph Stalin. ^[69]
The news in Oceania emphasized production figures, just as it did in
the Soviet Union, where record-setting in factories (by "Heroes of
Socialist Labour") was especially glorified. The best known of these
was Alexey Stakhanov, who purportedly set a record for coal mining in
1935.^[70]
The tortures of the Ministry of Love evoke the procedures used by the
NKVD in their interrogations,^[71]^[page needed] including the use of
rubber truncheons, being forbidden to put your hands in your pockets,
remaining in brightly lit rooms for days, torture through the use of
their greatest fear, and the victim being shown a mirror after their
physical collapse.^[citation needed]
The random bombing of Airstrip One is based on the area bombing of
London by Buzz bombs and the V-2 rocket in 1944-1945.^[69]
The Thought Police is based on the NKVD, which arrested people for
random "anti-soviet" remarks.^[72]^[page needed] The Thought Crime
motif is drawn from Kempeitai, the Japanese wartime secret police, who
arrested people for "unpatriotic" thoughts.^[citation needed]
The confessions of the "Thought Criminals" Rutherford, Aaronson, and
Jones are based on the show trials of the 1930s, which included
fabricated confessions by prominent Bolsheviks Nikolai Bukharin,
Grigory Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev to the effect that they were being
paid by the Nazi government to undermine the Soviet regime under Leon
Trotsky's direction.^[73]
The song "Under the Spreading Chestnut Tree" ("Under the spreading
chestnut tree, I sold you, and you sold me") was based on an old
English song called "Go no more a-rushing" ("Under the spreading
chestnut tree, Where I knelt upon my knee, We were as happy as could
be, 'Neath the spreading chestnut tree."). The song was published as
early as 1891. The song was a popular camp song in the 1920s, sung with
corresponding movements (like touching one's chest when singing
"chest", and touching one's head when singing "nut"). Glenn Miller
recorded the song in 1939.^[74]
The "Hates" (Two Minutes Hate and Hate Week) were inspired by the
constant rallies sponsored by party organs throughout the Stalinist
period. These were often short pep-talks given to workers before their
shifts began (Two Minutes Hate),^[75] but could also last for days, as
in the annual celebrations of the anniversary of the October revolution
(Hate Week).
Orwell fictionalised "newspeak", "doublethink", and "Ministry of Truth"
based on both the Soviet press, and British wartime usage, such as
"Miniform".^[76] In particular, he adapted Soviet ideological discourse
constructed to ensure that public statements could not be
questioned.^[77]
Winston Smith's job, "revising history" (and the "unperson" motif) are
based on censorship of images in the Soviet Union, which airbrushed
images of "fallen" people from group photographs and removed references
to them in books and newspapers.^[79] In one well-known example, the
second edition of the Great Soviet Encyclopedia had an article about
Lavrentiy Beria. After his fall from power and execution, subscribers
received a letter from the editor^[80] instructing them to cut out and
destroy the three-page article on Beria and paste in its place enclosed
replacement pages expanding the adjacent articles on F. W. Bergholz (an
18th-century courtier), the Bering Sea, and Bishop
Berkeley.^[81]^[82]^[83]
Big Brother's "Orders of the Day" were inspired by Stalin's regular
wartime orders, called by the same name. A small collection of the more
political of these have been published (together with his wartime
speeches) in English as "On the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet
Union" By Joseph Stalin.^[84]^[85] Like Big Brother's Orders of the
day, Stalin's frequently lauded heroic individuals,^[86] like Comrade
Ogilvy, the fictitious hero Winston Smith invented to "rectify"
(fabricate) a Big Brother Order of the day.
The Ingsoc slogan "Our new, happy life", repeated from telescreens,
evokes Stalin's 1935 statement, which became a CPSU slogan, "Life has
become better, Comrades; life has become more cheerful."^[72]
In 1940, Argentine writer Jorge Luis Borges published "Tloen, Uqbar,
Orbis Tertius", which describes the invention by a "benevolent secret
society" of a world that would seek to remake human language and
reality along human-invented lines. The story concludes with an
appendix describing the success of the project. Borges' story addresses
similar themes of epistemology, language and history to 1984.^[87]
During World War II, Orwell believed that British democracy as it
existed before 1939 would not survive the war. The question being
"Would it end via Fascist coup d'etat from above or via Socialist
revolution from below?"^[88] Later, he admitted that events proved him
wrong: "What really matters is that I fell into the trap of assuming
that 'the war and the revolution are inseparable'."^[89]
Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949) and Animal Farm (1945) share themes of the
betrayed revolution, the individual's subordination to the collective,
rigorously enforced class distinctions (Inner Party, Outer Party,
proles), the cult of personality, concentration camps, Thought Police,
compulsory regimented daily exercise, and youth leagues. Oceania
resulted from the US annexation of the British Empire to counter the
Asian peril to Australia and New Zealand. It is a naval power whose
militarism venerates the sailors of the floating fortresses, from which
battle is given to recapturing India, the "Jewel in the Crown" of the
British Empire. Much of Oceanic society is based upon the USSR under
Joseph Stalin--Big Brother. The televised Two Minutes Hate is ritual
demonisation of the enemies of the State, especially Emmanuel Goldstein
(viz Leon Trotsky). Altered photographs and newspaper articles create
unpersons deleted from the national historical record, including even
founding members of the regime (Jones, Aaronson, and Rutherford) in the
1960s purges (viz the Soviet Purges of the 1930s, in which leaders of
the Bolshevik Revolution were similarly treated). A similar thing also
happened during the French Revolution's Reign of Terror in which many
of the original leaders of the Revolution were later put to death, for
example Danton who was put to death by Robespierre, and then later
Robespierre himself met the same fate.^[citation needed]
In his 1946 essay "Why I Write", Orwell explains that the serious works
he wrote since the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) were "written, directly
or indirectly, against totalitarianism and for democratic
socialism".^[3]^[90] Nineteen Eighty-Four is a cautionary tale about
revolution betrayed by totalitarian defenders previously proposed in
Homage to Catalonia (1938) and Animal Farm (1945), while Coming Up for
Air (1939) celebrates the personal and political freedoms lost in
Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949). Biographer Michael Shelden notes Orwell's
Edwardian childhood at Henley-on-Thames as the golden country; being
bullied at St Cyprian's School as his empathy with victims; his life in
the Indian Imperial Police in Burma and the techniques of violence and
censorship in the BBC as capricious authority.^[91]
Other influences include Darkness at Noon (1940) and The Yogi and the
Commissar (1945) by Arthur Koestler; The Iron Heel (1908) by Jack
London; 1920: Dips into the Near Future^[92] by John A. Hobson; Brave
New World (1932) by Aldous Huxley; We (1921) by Yevgeny Zamyatin which
he reviewed in 1946;^[93] and The Managerial Revolution (1940) by James
Burnham predicting perpetual war among three totalitarian superstates.
Orwell told Jacintha Buddicom that he would write a novel stylistically
like A Modern Utopia (1905) by H. G. Wells.^[94]
Extrapolating from World War II, the novel's pastiche parallels the
politics and rhetoric at war's end--the changed alliances at the "Cold
War's" (1945-91) beginning; the Ministry of Truth derives from the
BBC's overseas service, controlled by the Ministry of Information; Room
101 derives from a conference room at BBC Broadcasting House;^[95] the
Senate House of the University of London, containing the Ministry of
Information is the architectural inspiration for the Minitrue; the
post-war decrepitude derives from the socio-political life of the UK
and the US, i.e., the impoverished Britain of 1948 losing its Empire
despite newspaper-reported imperial triumph; and war ally but
peace-time foe, Soviet Russia became Eurasia.^[citation needed]
The term "English Socialism" has precedents in Orwell's wartime
writings; in the essay "The Lion and the Unicorn: Socialism and the
English Genius" (1941), he said that "the war and the revolution are
inseparable... the fact that we are at war has turned Socialism from a
textbook word into a realisable policy"--because Britain's
superannuated social class system hindered the war effort and only a
socialist economy would defeat Adolf Hitler. Given the middle class's
grasping this, they too would abide socialist revolution and that only
reactionary Britons would oppose it, thus limiting the force
revolutionaries would need to take power. An English Socialism would
come about which "will never lose touch with the tradition of
compromise and the belief in a law that is above the State. It will
shoot traitors, but it will give them a solemn trial beforehand and
occasionally it will acquit them. It will crush any open revolt
promptly and cruelly, but it will interfere very little with the spoken
and written word."^[96]
In the world of Nineteen Eighty-Four, "English Socialism" (or "Ingsoc"
in Newspeak) is a totalitarian ideology unlike the English revolution
he foresaw. Comparison of the wartime essay "The Lion and the Unicorn"
with Nineteen Eighty-Four shows that he perceived a Big Brother regime
as a perversion of his cherished socialist ideals and English
Socialism. Thus Oceania is a corruption of the British Empire he
believed would evolve "into a federation of Socialist states, like a
looser and freer version of the Union of Soviet
Republics".^[97]^[verification needed]
Critical reception[edit]
When it was first published, Nineteen Eighty-Four received critical
acclaim. V. S. Pritchett, reviewing the novel for the New Statesman
stated: "I do not think I have ever read a novel more frightening and
depressing; and yet, such are the originality, the suspense, the speed
of writing and withering indignation that it is impossible to put the
book down."^[98] P. H. Newby, reviewing Nineteen Eighty-Four for The
Listener magazine, described it as "the most arresting political novel
written by an Englishman since Rex Warner's The Aerodrome."^[99]
Nineteen Eighty-Four was also praised by Bertrand Russell, E. M.
Forster and Harold Nicolson.^[99] On the other hand, Edward Shanks,
reviewing Nineteen Eighty-Four for The Sunday Times, was dismissive;
Shanks claimed Nineteen Eighty-Four "breaks all records for gloomy
vaticination".^[99] C. S. Lewis was also critical of the novel,
claiming that the relationship of Julia and Winston, and especially the
Party's view on sex, lacked credibility, and that the setting was
"odious rather than tragic".^[100]
Throughout its publication history, Nineteen Eighty-Four has been
either banned or legally challenged as subversive or ideologically
corrupting, like the dystopian novels We (1924) by Yevgeny Zamyatin,
Brave New World (1932) by Aldous Huxley, Darkness at Noon (1940) by
Arthur Koestler, Kallocain (1940) by Karin Boye, and Fahrenheit 451
(1953) by Ray Bradbury.^[101]
On 5 November 2019, the BBC named Nineteen Eighty-Four on its list of
the 100 most influential novels.^[102]
According to Czesl/aw Mil/osz, an exile from Stalinist Poland, the book
also made an impression behind the Iron Curtain. Writing in The Captive
Mind, he stated "[a] few have become acquainted with Orwell's 1984;
because it is both difficult to obtain and dangerous to possess, it is
known only to certain members of the Inner Party. Orwell fascinates
them through his insight into details they know well [...] Even those
who know Orwell only by hearsay are amazed that a writer who never
lived in Russia should have so keen a perception into its
life."^[103]^[104] Writer Christopher Hitchens has called this "one of
the greatest compliments that one writer has ever bestowed upon another
[...] Only one or two years after Orwell's death, in other words, his
book about a secret book circulated only within the Inner Party was
itself a secret book circulated only within the Inner Party."^[105]
Adaptations in other media[edit]
Main article: Adaptations of Nineteen Eighty-Four
In the same year as the novel's publishing, a one-hour radio adaptation
was aired on the United States' NBC radio network as part of the NBC
University Theatre series. The first television adaptation appeared as
part of CBS's Studio One series in September 1953. BBC Television
broadcast an adaptation by Nigel Kneale in December 1954. The first
feature film adaptation, 1984, was released in 1956. A second
feature-length adaptation, Nineteen Eighty-Four, followed in 1984, a
reasonably faithful adaptation of the novel. The story has been adapted
several other times to radio, television, and film; other media
adaptations include theater (a musical^[106] and a play), opera, and
ballet.^[107]
Translations[edit]
The first Simplified Chinese version was published in 1979. It was
first available to the general public in China in 1985, as previously
it was only in portions of libraries and bookstores open to a limited
number of people. Amy Hawkins and Jeffrey Wasserstrom of The Atlantic
stated in 2019 that the book is widely available in Mainland China for
several reasons: the general public by and large no longer reads books;
because the elites who do read books feel connected to the ruling party
anyway; and because the Communist Party sees being too aggressive in
blocking cultural products as a liability. The authors stated "It
was--and remains--as easy to buy 1984 and Animal Farm in Shenzhen or
Shanghai as it is in London or Los Angeles."^[108] They also stated
that "The assumption is not that Chinese people can't figure out the
meaning of 1984, but that the small number of people who will bother to
read it won't pose much of a threat."^[108]
By 1989, Nineteen Eighty-Four had been translated into 65 languages,
more than any other novel in English at that time.^[109]
Cultural impact[edit]
Further information: Nineteen Eighty-Four in popular media
"Happy 1984" (in Spanish or Portuguese) stencil graffito, denoting mind
control via a PlayStation controller, on a standing piece of the Berlin
Wall, 2005
The effect of Nineteen Eighty-Four on the English language is
extensive; the concepts of Big Brother, Room 101, the Thought Police,
thoughtcrime, unperson, memory hole (oblivion), doublethink
(simultaneously holding and believing contradictory beliefs) and
Newspeak (ideological language) have become common phrases for denoting
totalitarian authority. Doublespeak and groupthink are both deliberate
elaborations of doublethink, and the adjective "Orwellian" means
similar to Orwell's writings, especially Nineteen Eighty-Four. The
practice of ending words with "-speak" (such as mediaspeak) is drawn
from the novel.^[110] Orwell is perpetually associated with 1984; in
July 1984, an asteroid was discovered by Antonin Mrkos and named after
Orwell.
* In 1955, an episode of BBC's The Goon Show, 1985, was broadcast,
written by Spike Milligan and Eric Sykes and based on Nigel
Kneale's television adaptation. It was re-recorded about a month
later with the same script but a slightly different cast.^[111]
1985 parodies many of the main scenes in Orwell's novel.
* In 1970, the American rock group Spirit released the song "1984"
based on Orwell's novel.
* In 1973, ex-Soft Machine bassist Hugh Hopper released an album
called 1984 on the Columbia label (UK), consisting of instrumentals
with Orwellian titles such as "Miniluv," "Minipax," "Minitrue," and
so forth.
* In 1974, David Bowie released the album Diamond Dogs, which is
thought to be loosely based on the novel Nineteen Eighty-Four. It
includes the tracks "We Are The Dead", "1984" and "Big Brother".
Before the album was made, Bowie's management (MainMan) had planned
for Bowie and Tony Ingrassia (MainMan's creative consultant) to
co-write and direct a musical production of Orwell's Nineteen
Eighty-Four, but Orwell's widow refused to give MainMan the
rights.^[112]^[113]
* In 1977, the British rock band The Jam released the album This Is
the Modern World, which includes the track "Standards" by Paul
Weller. This track concludes with the lyrics "...and ignorance is
strength, we have God on our side, look, you know what happened to
Winston."^[114]
* In 1984, Ridley Scott directed a television commercial, "1984", to
launch Apple's Macintosh computer.^[115] The advert stated, "1984
won't be like 1984", suggesting that the Apple Mac would be freedom
from Big Brother, i.e., the IBM PC.^[116]
"Big Brother is watching you" painted onto the wall of an industrial
building in Donetsk, Ukraine
* An episode of Doctor Who, called "The God Complex", depicts an
alien ship disguised as a hotel containing Room 101-like spaces,
and quotes the nursery rhyme as well.^[117]
* The two part episode Chain of Command on Star Trek: The Next
Generation bears some resemblances to the novel.^[118]
* Radiohead's 2003 single "2 + 2 = 5", from their album Hail to the
Thief, is Orwellian by title and content. Thom Yorke states, "I was
listening to a lot of political programs on BBC Radio 4. I found
myself writing down little nonsense phrases, those Orwellian
euphemisms that [the British and American governments] are so fond
of. They became the background of the record."^[114]
* In September 2009, the English progressive rock band Muse released
The Resistance, which included songs influenced by Nineteen
Eighty-Four.^[119]
* In Marilyn Manson's autobiography The Long Hard Road Out of Hell,
he states: "I was thoroughly terrified by the idea of the end of
the world and the Antichrist. So I became obsessed with it...
reading prophetic books like... 1984 by George Orwell..."^[120]
* English band Bastille references the novel in their song "Back to
the Future," the fifth track on their 2022 album Give Me the
Future, in the opening lyrics: "Feels like we danced into a
nightmare/We're living 1984/If doublethink's no longer
fiction/We'll dream of Huxley's Island shores."^[121]
* Released in 2004, KAKU P-Model/Susumu Hirasawa's song Big Brother
directly references 1984, and the album itself is about a fictional
dystopia in a distant future.
References to the themes, concepts and plot of Nineteen Eighty-Four
have appeared frequently in other works, especially in popular music
and video entertainment. An example is the worldwide hit reality
television show Big Brother, in which a group of people live together
in a large house, isolated from the outside world but continuously
watched by television cameras.
* In November 2011, the US government argued before the US Supreme
Court that it wants to continue utilising GPS tracking of
individuals without first seeking a warrant. In response, Justice
Stephen Breyer questioned what that means for a democratic society
by referencing Nineteen Eighty-Four. Justice Breyer asked, "If you
win this case, then there is nothing to prevent the police or the
government from monitoring 24 hours a day the public movement of
every citizen of the United States. So if you win, you suddenly
produce what sounds like Nineteen Eighty-Four... "^[122]
The book touches on the invasion of privacy and ubiquitous
surveillance. From mid-2013 it was publicised that the NSA has been
secretly monitoring and storing global internet traffic, including the
bulk data collection of email and phone call data. Sales of Nineteen
Eighty-Four increased by up to seven times within the first week of the
2013 mass surveillance leaks.^[123]^[124]^[125] The book again topped
the Amazon.com sales charts in 2017 after a controversy involving
Kellyanne Conway using the phrase "alternative facts" to explain
discrepancies with the media.^[126]^[127]^[128]^[129]
Nineteen Eighty-Four was number three on the list of "Top Check Outs Of
All Time" by the New York Public Library.^[130]
In accordance with copyright law, Nineteen Eighty-Four and Animal Farm
both entered the public domain on 1 January 2021 in most of the world,
70 calendar years after Orwell died. The US copyright expiration is
different for both novels: 95 years after publication.^[131]^[132]
Brave New World comparisons[edit]
Further information: Brave New World S: Comparisons with George
Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four
In October 1949, after reading Nineteen Eighty-Four, Huxley sent a
letter to Orwell in which he argued that it would be more efficient for
rulers to stay in power by the softer touch by allowing citizens to
seek pleasure to control them rather than use brute force. He wrote
Whether in actual fact the policy of the boot-on-the-face can go on
indefinitely seems doubtful. My own belief is that the ruling
oligarchy will find less arduous and wasteful ways of governing and
of satisfying its lust for power, and these ways will resemble those
which I described in Brave New World.
...
Within the next generation I believe that the world's rulers will
discover that infant conditioning and narco-hypnosis are more
efficient, as instruments of government, than clubs and prisons, and
that the lust for power can be just as completely satisfied by
suggesting people into loving their servitude as by flogging and
kicking them into obedience.^[133]
In the decades since the publication of Nineteen Eighty-Four, there
have been numerous comparisons to Huxley's Brave New World, which had
been published 17 years earlier, in 1932.^[134]^[135]^[136]^[137] They
are both predictions of societies dominated by a central government and
are both based on extensions of the trends of their times. However,
members of the ruling class of Nineteen Eighty-Four use brutal force,
torture and mind control to keep individuals in line, while rulers in
Brave New World keep the citizens in line by drugs and pleasurable
distractions. Regarding censorship, in Nineteen Eighty-Four the
government tightly controls information to keep the population in line,
but in Huxley's world, so much information is published that readers do
not know which information is relevant, and what can be
disregarded.^[citation needed]
Elements of both novels can be seen in modern-day societies, with
Huxley's vision being more dominant in the West and Orwell's vision
more prevalent with dictatorships, including those in communist
countries (such as in modern-day China and North Korea), as is pointed
out in essays that compare the two novels, including Huxley's own Brave
New World Revisited.^[138]^[139]^[140]^[129]
Comparisons with later dystopian novels like The Handmaid's Tale,
Virtual Light, The Private Eye and The Children of Men have also been
drawn.^[141]^[142]
See also[edit]
* Authoritarian personality
* Closed-circuit television (CCTV)
* Culture of fear
* Fahrenheit 451, a similar novel revolving around censorship
* The Glass Fortress (2016 film)
* Ideocracy
* Language and thought
* List of stories set in a future now past
* Mass surveillance
* Moscow 2042
* New World Order (conspiracy theory)
* Psychological projection
* Scapegoating
* Totalitarianism
* Utopian and dystopian fiction
* V for Vendetta, a similar graphic novel and film
* We, a similar novel
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Cite error: A list-defined reference with group name "" is not used in
the content (see the help page).
General and cited references[edit]
*
Aubrey, Crispin; Chilton, Paul, eds. (1983). Nineteen Eighty-four in
1984: Autonomy, Control, and Communication (repr. ed.). London: Comedia
Pub. Group. ISBN 978-0-906890-42-4.
Bowker, Gordon (2003). Inside George Orwell: A Biography. Palgrave
Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-312-23841-4.
Hillegas, Mark R. (1967). The Future as Nightmare: H. G. Wells and
the Anti-Utopians. Southern Illinois University Press.
ISBN 978-0-8093-0676-3
Howe, Irving, ed. (1983). 1984 Revisited: Totalitarianism in Our
Century. New York: Harper Row. ISBN 978-0-06-080660-6.
Lynskey, Dorian (2019). The Ministry of Truth: The Biography of
George Orwell's 1984. Doubleday. p. 167. ISBN 978-0-385-54406-1.
Meyers, Jeffery. Orwell: Wintry Conscience of a Generation. W. W.
Norton. 2000. ISBN 978-0-393-32263-7
Orwell, George (1949). Nineteen Eighty-Four. A novel. London: Secker
& Warburg.
------ (1984). Davison, Peter (ed.). Nineteen Eighty-Four: The
Facsimile Manuscript. London, United Kingdom: Secker and Warburg.
ISBN 978-0-436-35022-1.
------ (1977). 1984. Erich Fromm (foreword) (reissue ed.). Signet
Classics. ISBN 978-0-451-52493-5.
------ (2003). Animal Farm and 1984. Christopher Hitchens (Foreword)
(1st ed.). HMH. ISBN 978-0-15-101026-4.
------ (2003). Nineteen Eighty-Four. Thomas Pynchon (foreword); Erich
Fromm (afterword). Plume. ISBN 978-0-452-28423-4.
Afterword by Erich Fromm (1961), pp. 324-37.
Orwell's text has a "Selected Bibliography", pp. 338-39; the
foreword and the afterword each contain further references.
The Plume edition is an authorised reprint of a hardcover
edition published by Harcourt, Inc.
The Plume edition is also published in a Signet edition. The
copyright page says this, but the Signet ed. does not have the
Pynchon foreword.
Copyright is explicitly extended to digital and any other means.
* Orwell, George. 1984 (Vietnamese edition), translation by D/a(-.ng
Phu9o9ng-Nghi, French preface by Bertrand Latour
ISBN 978-0-9774224-5-6.
Shelden, Michael (1991). Orwell: The Authorised Biography. London:
Heinemann. ISBN 978-0-434-69517-1.
Smith, David; Mosher, Michael (1984). Orwell for Beginners (1st ed.).
[London], Eng.: Writers and Readers Pub. Cooperative.
ISBN 978-0-86316-066-0.
Steinhoff, William R. (1975). George Orwell and the Origins of 1984.
Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. ISBN 978-0-472-87400-2.
Tuccille, Jerome (1975). Who's afraid of 1984? The case for optimism
in looking ahead to the 1980s. New Rochelle, NY: Arlington House
Publishers. ISBN 978-0-87000-308-0.
West, W. J. (1992). The Larger Evils - Nineteen Eighty-Four: the
Truth Behind the Satire. Edinburgh: Canongate Press.
ISBN 978-0-86241-382-8.
Further reading[edit]
* Bloom, Harold, George Orwell's 1984 (2009), Facts on File, Inc.
ISBN 978-1-4381-1468-2
Di Nucci, Ezio and Storrie, Stefan (editors), 1984 and Philosophy: Is
Resistance Futile? (2018), Open Court Publishing Company.
ISBN 978-0-8126-9985-2
Goldsmith, Jack and Nussbaum, Martha, On Nineteen Eighty-Four: Orwell
and Our Future (2010), Princeton University Press.
ISBN 978-1-4008-2664-3
Plank, Robert, George Orwell's Guide Through Hell: A Psychological
Study of 1984 (1994), Borgo Pres. ISBN 978-0-89370-413-1
Taylor, D. J. On Nineteen Eighty-Four: A Biography (2019), Abrams.
ISBN 978-1-68335-684-4
Waddell, Nathan (editor), The Cambridge Companion to Nineteen
Eighty-Four (2020), Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-84109-2
External links[edit]
Nineteen Eighty-Four at Wikipedia's sister projects
* Definitions from Wiktionary
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Scholia has a profile for Nineteen Eighty-Four (Q208460).
* Nineteen Eighty-Four at Curlie
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* Nineteen Eighty-Four at the British Library
* 1984: The Opera
* Nineteen Eighty-Four at the Open Library
* Nineteen Eighty-Four title listing at the Internet Speculative
Fiction Database
* 1953 Theatre Guild on the Air radio adaptation at Internet Archive
* Historian Sarah Wise on the London of Nineteen Eighty-Four on the
London Fictions website
*
Asimov, Isaac (1980). "Review Of 1984". Field Newspaper Syndicate.
Electronic editions[edit]
* 1984 (Nineteen Eighty-Four) at Faded Page (Canada)
* George Orwell - Eric Arthur Blair
* Project Gutenberg Australia (e-text)
* HTML and EPUB editions from The University of Adelaide Library
* Nineteen Eighty-Four (Canadian public domain Ebook - PDF)
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* Studio One: 1984 (1953) (public domain)
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